Many studies have shown that there is a statistical relationship between health status and poverty (Murray, 2006; Marmot, 2002; Muller & Krawinkel, 2005; Bloom & Canning, 2003; Smith & Waitzman, 1994), standard of living (Pacione, 2003; Bourne, 2007a, 2007b), and other socio-economic determinants (Grossman, 1972; Smith & Kington 1997; Bourne, 2009; Bourne & McGrowder, 2009; PAHO & WHO, 2007; Casas et al., 2001, Benzeval et al, 2001) . According to Abel-Smith (1994), the influence of income on health decreases as the society shifts from lowers to higher levels of income. And this is in keeping with the findings that show an inverse relationship between income of a country and levels of mortality, and the reverse is equally true (Abel-Smith, 1994; Matsaganis, 1992). Other scholars have refined this association when they opined that it is inequalities of income within a country that explains higher mortality and not mere income (Cochrane et al, 1978). The use of mortality to assess health is primary because this is easily measurable, unlike the use of morbidity which is a minimalist’s approach to the study of health (Grossman, 1972); but the latter still does not capture quality life expectancy and so is the former measure. The emphasis on income to provide explanation for health status without incooperating sanitation, education and lifestyle practices (Bourne, 2007a, 2007b; Hambleton et al, 2005), water and (Abel-Smith, 1994), health care does not provide the core rationale for the health status of a population as the determinants of health covering, social, economic, psychological, environmental, and biological conditions.