In recent years, there has been a remarkable decline in the number of middle and upper
middle class female university graduates joining the formal labor market (Walby 2002).
This has resulted in the regression of female participation in the labor market, especially
for those careers in the professional and the public spheres. Indeed, it was expected that
increasing the rate of female education in general, and of higher education in particular,
would result in a corresponding increase in the number of women pursuing professional
careers within the Egyptian labor market, but such has not proved to be the case. The
Egyptian female employment participation rate was 24.4% in 2008, in comparison to the
male participation rate of 76.4% (World Bank report 2008).
The rate of the Egyptian Female Employment participation is very low in comparison to
the rates of other countries worldwide. Egypt’s gender gap places it 120th out of 128
countries for female labor force participation (Hausmann et al., 2008) and (Barsoum
2010). This low rate of employment is even more pronounced among female young
people, since around 87 % do not participate in the labor force (Assaad and Hamidi
2009). Some researchers attribute the low labor female participation rate mainly to
cultural norms or to women’s exit from the labor force when they start a family or
become discouraged after a long and unsuccessful search for work (Hassan 2008).
According to the Egyptian Human Development Report (EHDR 2010:144), the rates of
female unemployment increase because more women opt not to join the labor force. The
report notes the existence of the gender barriers that compelled women to drop out of the
labor market subsequent to the deterioration of the public sector that, for a long time,
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provided the kind of egalitarian work environment that encouraged and supported female
employment in Egypt.
I argue that to understand the decline of the participation of women in professional
employment, all the related aspects should be considered. We should reflect on the
articulation between the gendered state, the labor market and the family in the creation of
this phenomenon. I argue that the traditional gendered norms in the socialization of
upper-middle class Egyptian women have created a new form of domesticity that
reinforces the patriarchal ideology that dictates female dependency and advocates that a
woman's place is in the home (Hoodfar 1997; Assaad and Hamidi 2009). Meanwhile,
this new domesticity is being vigorously promoted by the new extremist Islamic ideology
that emphasizes the traditional restriction of the mobility of women and which seeks to
keep women out of the labor market. In addition, the gender discrimination in the work
place and the indecent work conditions push women out of the labor market and
discourage them to join the labor market (Assaad and Arantz 2005) and (Barsoum 2010).
Moreover, since the 1980s, the socio-economic changes in Egypt that have accompanied
globalization and the structured adjustment policies era have had an adverse effect on
female employment in general and on female professional employment in particular.
That is, they have not only reduced female employment opportunities within the existing
public sector, a situation which has been exacerbated by the effect of the current freeze
on public sector job creation. Simultaneously the new economic system has failed to
create jobs suitable to the skills and qualifications of highly educated young Egyptian
women (Moghadam 1998 & 2005).
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For my research, I adopted a qualitative methodology in order to explore the participants’
experiences and to interpret these phenomena in terms of their own perceptions. I also
depended on theoretical background and the related literature, relevant statistics, media
releases, informal and formal interviews. I started by using a snowballing tool to assign
the participants. I conducted interviews (in depth and semi-structured interviews) with
three groups of participants.
I considered the following facts in the selection of my field work. First, Information
Technology is a very important sector that has a high economic value. On the other hand,
Information Technology has become a very important industry in the world and in Egypt
as well. Egypt is increasing its investments in this field. Recently, Egypt has invested
heavily in that sector. Universities are making an effort to improve and develop programs
that prepare graduates to face society’s challenges using IT skills. However, several
female IT graduates in this study have preferred to stay at home, although, in the last five
years, the IT market has been flourishing in Egypt. Some might claim that this decision is
affected by the need to depend economically on a male in the family or by a prospective
husband who requires the female graduate to quit her career. However, this might not be
the case, especially in the middle and the upper classes where the basic needs of the
individuals are already satisfied, and women have the financial resources to both work
and see to the needs of a family without compromising the financial situation of the
family. Such a situation raises many questions about the real reasons that prompt female
IT graduates to abandon their careers.
A significant aspect of this research is its use of gender perspective to investigate the
decline in the professional employment of Egyptian female university graduates in
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relation to their education and class status. In spite of the abundant studies on women’s
employment, the available literature has not provided adequate analysis of the decline of
technical professional employment of women in Egypt. This research seeks to highlight
the gender barriers and disparities that women face in this field. In addition, I
investigated the participants’ perceptions of womanhood, marriage, and work as
challenging factors in their life’s choices. Such an investigation could help young
Egyptian women to identify and avoid negative consequences resulting from the
regression of women’s social, economic, and political status.
I became interested in this research when I encountered the attitude of some colleagues
who, when speaking about planning the future of their daughters, stated that their
daughters, who were recent university graduates, would get married and choose to stay at
home and be housewives. In the Friday Mail column in the Friday, October 16, 2009
edition of al-Ahram, I read the story of a woman who studied pharmacy and then
willingly withdrew from her professional career when she got married and became
pregnant, and rather than return to the work place after delivering her first child, she was
planning to have more children and stay at home.